One Region, Two Superpowers, One Common Interest
Pabitra majumder
In contemporary global politics, China and the United States stand as each other’s foremost rivals. Their competition spans across economics, military strength, technology, and global influence. Yet, surprisingly, amidst this intense rivalry, there exists a region in South Asia where the strategic interests of both superpowers converge. Today’s discussion seeks to explore the underlying realities of this unique geopolitical alignment.
While China and the United States confront each other on the global stage, a curious strategic consensus can be observed in South Asia—particularly regarding Pakistan. Both powers seemingly prefer that Pakistan remain an effective counterbalance to India. The logic is simple: if India is completely free from border tensions and security concerns, it could rapidly strengthen economically and politically. This transformation could, in the long run, challenge the strategic calculations of both Beijing and Washington.
From China’s perspective, Pakistan is a “natural ally” that can help apply constant pressure on India. Meanwhile, the United States, despite strengthening ties with India, also prefers not to see Pakistan collapse entirely. A too-powerful India may pursue an independent foreign policy that doesn't always align with U.S. interests, posing future strategic challenges for Washington.
If Pakistan were to experience significant political, economic, or military decline—or worse, disintegration—India would be the greatest beneficiary. Pakistan has long been a source of enduring security concerns for India, including border skirmishes, terrorism, and the Kashmir conflict. A weakened Pakistan would allow India to divert attention and resources away from security to diplomacy and economic development. Currently, India maintains a massive defense budget and remains alert along its borders. A fragile or fragmented Pakistan would reduce this pressure, enabling India to emerge as a more stable regional and global player. Strategically, India could also benefit from Pakistan’s weakening.
Another critical dimension lies in Pakistan’s internal separatist movements—such as in Balochistan, Sindh, and among Pashtun nationalists. If these movements intensify and lead to fragmentation, new opportunities could open up for India. Through these breakaway regions, India might establish new corridors or partnerships—enhancing its connectivity not only with Afghanistan and Iran but also with Central Asia. This would help India secure strategically vital links and strengthen its position as a dominant geopolitical power—not just in South Asia, but across greater Asia.
A rapidly rising India—politically, economically, and militarily—would become the region’s dominant power. This prospect is a strategic concern for both China and the United States, albeit for different reasons.
For China, a powerful India implies heightened border tensions, regional competition, and reduced influence. India’s dominance in South Asia could jeopardize China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), while also threatening China’s influence over neighboring countries. On the other hand, the U.S. sees India as a counterbalance to China. But if India becomes too strong and begins distancing itself in pursuit of autonomous strategic interests, America’s influence in the region could diminish. Particularly if India adopts a non-aligned or independent foreign policy, it may not always align with U.S. global plans.
For instance, during the early phase of the Russia-Ukraine war, the U.S. and its allies imposed severe sanctions on Russia and urged India to halt its oil imports. However, prioritizing its own economic interests, India continued purchasing discounted oil from Russia. This decision clearly reflected India's independent foreign policy, which does not always conform to U.S. strategic expectations.
Both China and the United States thus see Pakistan as a strategic buffer state to restrain India’s rise. Behind the effort to keep Pakistan operational lies a blend of geographical, military, and political calculations.
China regards Pakistan as a vital tool against India. It has invested in Pakistan’s infrastructure and defense sectors, such as through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), while also coordinating with Pakistan during times of India-China border tensions. This forces India to confront a two-front challenge—facing both China and Pakistan simultaneously—dividing its strategic focus and exerting pressure on its planning.
Similarly, while the U.S. now views India as a key strategic partner, it has never completely sidelined Pakistan. From anti-Taliban operations in Afghanistan to counter-terrorism initiatives, the U.S. has repeatedly relied on Pakistan’s geographic and intelligence infrastructure. American drones have operated from Pakistani border areas and numerous successful missions against the Taliban and Al-Qaeda have involved U.S.-Pakistan cooperation.
This reality reveals a key difference: while China primarily uses Pakistan as a strategic weapon against India, the U.S. sees Pakistan as a broader geopolitical asset. Its location is crucial not only in countering India but also in expanding U.S. influence across South and Central Asia. Thus, Pakistan is not just a buffer state—it is also a significant strategic asset in the larger geopolitical chessboard of Asia.
The ongoing geopolitical rivalry between China and the United States is a complex and multifaceted reality, with South Asia becoming an increasingly important arena. Amidst this competition, Pakistan stands out as an exceptional case where both superpowers find their strategic interests aligning. Their shared objective—to prevent India from emerging as an uncontested regional hegemon—forms the basis of this unusual convergence. Though temporary and interest-driven, this alignment will continue to shape South Asia’s geopolitical future. Therefore, Pakistan is not merely a nation-state—it is the center of a complicated power game, one that will significantly influence the region’s security, stability, and strategic balance.
The writer is a student at department of Sociology Gopalganj science and technology university
