Md. Nurul Haque

Who are the most beneficiaries of the student-people uprising that toppled the long-lasting iron-fisted autocrat Sheikh Hasina and her vicious layers of associates? To answer these questions, we must delve into the political acumen and atrocious or philanthropic attitudes and behaviors of the political parties. The background of the mass uprising also contains half of the answer as the anti-discriminate student movement got the impetus because of the already pent-up agony and anger of the ordinary people who had been the dire victims of extreme injustice, extortion, and overall deprivation of individual rights of voting, vetoing, and freedom of expression about every aspect of the nation. This uprising significantly impacted the political situation, reshaping the power dynamics and forcing a reevaluation of the ruling regime. People have been deceived in the name of monastic development by building colossal structures centering on Dhaka and other parts of the country.

However, laymen and everyday wage earners had a pent-up agony of extreme inability to defray basic commodities and essentials. People had been the victims of artificial class systems of haves and have-nots, persecuted and persecutors, anti-liberation and pro-liberation, and rulers and ruled. The gap between the poor, the wealthy, and other classes of the state was ever widening and had never existed since the creation of this country. Despite these divisions, the people of Bangladesh stood united in their fight for justice and equality, demonstrating a strong sense of community.

The political oppression and suppression of Bangladesh Awami League on other political parties like BNP and Jamat were so acute that many political leaders of the opposition had to face more than a hundred false judicial cases that broke the record of the oppressive history of any autocratic rules of any country in the world.

Both parties had to sacrifice their top-class leaders to the altar of the ruling party, who philosophized the liberation war by personalizing the spirit of liberation from Pakistan and blamed them as Razakers to satisfy the indomitable luster of India. So when the anti-discrimination student movement came with their demands of quota-free jobs in government, the fallen government, with its arrogant attitude, resorted to suppression and oppression with state-run killing and enforced disappearance of protesters and ordinary people who showed their mandate to the ongoing movements. Jamat and BNP led the movement through their student wings. Jamat played a more significant role, covertly and overtly, that the fascist ruling government failed to recognize and respond accordingly. Ultimately, on August 5, the mighty regime had to surrender and flee the country, leaving its aides in dire helplessness.

Now, Jamat backed and supported most student coordinators, and BNP seconded only a few. The influence of these student coordinators on the movement's success is noteworthy, as they were instrumental in mobilizing the student people and ultimately gaining the second freedom of the country. People of the country had a sympathetic corner for Jamat as they were the worst victims of oppression, suppression, and atrocities.

So when people found them fighting for their causes and against the prevailing anti-Indian attitudes, they quickly fell in love with them and accepted their leadership. Jamat also faded the stigma of Razaker blamed by the fascist Hasina and her aides by the famous slogan of ‘ Tumi ke Ami ke?” “ Razaker Razaker” ( who are you and who am I) ( anti-liberator, Anti-liberator). “Ke boles eke bolese ?( who said this?” Shoiracher , Shoiracher means the Autocrats. When this popular slogan was chanted and reverberated in the mouths and minds of every young heart and everyday person, it meant they accepted the blame as a false allegation and put them on the same line of being blamed and stigmatized.

So Jamat also proved itself successful in proving that India is in no way a friendly country to Bangladesh, and they fought the war independence of Bangladesh in 1971 for its own sake. Even after the second independence achieved by the students with their life and blood, Jamat tried to bag the credit, though they had covertly backed up the movement. Instead, they thanked the students and ordinary people for their invaluable sacrifice. They went to the hospitals of the injured fighters and protesters and their homes to express their empathy and help them mentally and financially. This attracted the hearts of the young students and everyday people.

When the fallen regime wanted to draw the attention of its Indian aides by attacking and demolishing the Hindu temple with their own people or hired criminals, it was Jamat who could read the pulses and protected the temples and business marts that foiled their conspiracy and won the hearts of the minority of the country. The Jamat leader immediately visited the Joy Kalimondir at Dhaka University premises and exchanged views about the country's minority. Through his gift of the gap and prudent speech, he declared that whoever was born in Bangladesh was a Bangladeshi, not a minority. The word minority does not exist in the dictionary of Jamate Islami Bangladesh. This speech and prompt action enchanted the heart of the minority. Moreover, Their contribution to the flood-affected people was also noteworthy and a cornerstone in the history of unity and strength.

On the other hand, the BNP precipitated to grab the state power as if the mass uprising was paving the way for the coronation ceremony of their exiled leaders. They arranged a public gathering of their political activists and leaders, ignoring the agony and mourning of the bereaved families of the martyrs and injured. People did take it otherwise and thought of them as greedy and power mongers. Realizing the reality and pulse of the students and mass people, they followed Jamat's steps and commenced doing what Jamat had done a few days before.

However, their greedy and crazy leaders occupied the lands, buildings, businesses, markets, and garments of the fallen party as if they had been hungry for years. Almost every day, newspapers and print media report that BNP activists have done the same as the previous autocrats. However, their repeated pressure on the interim government caused anger among the reformist people and intellectuals.

So, suppose the BNP does not shun the politics of oppression, vengeance, and bankruptcy of idealism. In that case, Jamat is and will be the most successful beneficiary of the second independence of Bangladesh.

The writer is an assistant professor of English at IUBAT and a PhD candidate at Universiti Putra Malaysia.